NATO北大西洋公約組織這個月稍晚將揭櫫新的政策綱領(doctrine)，將包含更新的核能(武)政策、網路的戰爭與如何與俄羅斯交往。而前美國國務卿歐布萊特女士建議了給女人更多參予宣戰與媾和。或許正好是聯合國安理會第1325（2000）號決議案通過十周年的關係，所以讓歐布萊特女士有感而發做了這個建議。

安理會第1325（2000）號決議認為，世界局部地區政局動盪，武裝衝突不止。這些不穩定因素，給地區安全和世界和平產生了極其惡劣的不利影響。尤其成為難民和國內流離失所的人絕大多數是平民，特別是婦女和兒童。軍人和武裝分子易以他們為攻擊目標。 (摘自 YWCA 女青通訊 http://www.ywca.org.tw/epaper/154/index.htm)

戰爭會造成人民流離失所，但是有時候媾和也一樣，國際政治以鄰為壑的謀求和平，也是常見。而歐布萊特女士小時候一家人便深受其害：1938年九月英國、法國、德國、義大利四國首腦──張伯倫(首相)、達拉第(總理)、希特勒、墨索里尼在德國的慕尼黑召開的會議。 英法為避免戰爭爆發，簽署慕尼黑協定而犧牲捷克斯洛伐克(Czechoslovakia)的蘇台德(Sudetenland)地區。使得原本任職捷克斯洛伐克住貝爾格勒新聞參事(press-attaché)歐布萊特的父親帶著一家流亡到美國。

從下面所引用的紐約時報報導中可以得知：女性在戰場上或是為安上所扮演的角色日益吃重，絕不是為了創造兩性平等，因此男性為主，少數幾個女性只是花瓶。但是在決策上，女性似乎少了許多。雖然美國最近這四任國務卿中有三位女性，但是仍不見女性國防部長，甚至參謀聯席會議的主席是女性。但是在男性所把持的領域中出頭的三位國務卿，似乎所展現的也是男性的氣質，連使用的語言也是十分男性化。

日前在讀 Tonio Andrade 所撰的 "How Taiwan Became Chinese" 中也讀到一段期引述陳第東番記中對原住民(西拉雅 Siraya)性別分工的描述：女性耕種，打掃；男性：戰爭狩獵。或許也正因只由男性決定戰爭與和平，所以西拉雅族是一支很殘暴嗜血的民族。（Headhunting was about more than glory. It is likely that Sirayan males needed to capture a head to advance to full manhood.*）

不論NATO是否把聯合國安理會第1325（2000）號決議案的精神列入政策綱領，但是多讓女性參予戰爭與和平的決策、執行，我想這個世界會更美好！


remarks:
1. from "How Taiwan Became Chinese"  10th paragraph, Chapter 1, (p.4 of Ch1)







November 2, 2010
Waging War and Peace With Women
By KATRIN BENNHOLD

PARIS — When NATO unveils its new doctrine later this month, it will include a revamped nuclear policy, a section on cyberwar and fresh thinking on how to engage Russia.

But will it follow a little-noticed recommendation (from an expert group led by Madeleine Albright, a former U.S. secretary of state) to give women greater say in matters of war and peace?

Women, say a growing number of security experts, may well be as important to 21st-century security as new nuance on a European missile shield.

    nuance        細微差別

“Because women are often a principal victim of conflict, the women’s perspective can be vital in seeking to prevent or to mitigate the damage caused by conflict. That assertion should not be controversial; it is simply common sense,” Ms. Albright said in an e-mail.

    mitigate        減輕

Women are half the talent pool — more than half when it comes to university degrees in security-related fields — and overstretched Western allies need troops on the ground and sharp minds at the negotiating table.

But women also bring diversity to the male-dominated world of military and security affairs at a time when peacekeeping has morphed into nation-building and war has become about hearts and minds as well as territory.

Female soldiers can respectfully search Muslim women at checkpoints. They are more likely to win the trust of local populations abused — often sexually — by men with guns. And their presence is credited by some, though not all, experts with having a civilizing effect on their own units.

“Female soldiers have the unique advantage of being seen as a third gender,” said Paula Broadwell, a reserve officer who has visited special female units in Afghanistan on several occasions and is now doing academic research. “They command the same respect men do but are also granted the access reserved for women.”

Ten years after the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1325, formally calling on governments to get more women involved in waging war and peace, there has been some progress. Female “blue helmettes” patrol in Liberia. Female marines, trained in Pashto language and customs, are trying to engage Afghan women. NATO “gender advisers” accompany allied troops in Afghanistan. The European Union foreign policy chief, Catherine Ashton, has floated plans for female quotas in the bloc’s nascent diplomatic service.

    nascent        新生

Across the Atlantic, women now run the Department of Homeland Security, the U.S. mission to the United Nations and the State Department. Thanks to what The Washington Post called the “Hillary effect,” a record 25 female ambassadors have been posted to Washington as countries from Oman to India bank on a special female bond with the superpower’s top diplomat. Under Hillary Rodham Clinton, most senior nuclear arms experts dealing with proliferation and disarmament issues are women.

At the Pentagon, there is now one female four-star general, Gen. Ann E. Dunwoody of the army. Deputy Under Secretary of Defense Kathleen Hicks, who for much of her career was used to being the only woman at the table, recounted at a conference at the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Berlin last month how she walked into a Pentagon meeting where there wasn’t a single man. “I was stunned. There were only women in the room — including the military officer,” she recalled.

Few now openly voice doubts about giving women greater say on security matters.

“I firmly believe that women can play a very important role in the prevention of conflicts and in peace building,” the NATO secretary general, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, said last week in an interview with The New York Times, insisting that the alliance was implementing Resolution 1325, though refusing to say whether it was worthy of being included in the new doctrine.

However, on Mr. Rasmussen’s watch, the share of women on NATO’s civilian staff has stalled at 29 percent. Only 3 of the 19 most senior posts are held by women, and only one of them holds the title of (acting) assistant secretary general — Stefanie Babst, who in Berlin lamented the alliance’s male “monoculture.”

Women account for about 15 percent of U.S. military personnel, 14 percent of the French military, just under 10 percent of the British armed forces and 9 percent of the German Army. Female units in U.N. peacekeeping missions have doubled to 6 percent over the past five years but remain far behind the international target of 20 percent.

More important, women remain scarce among decision makers and opinion leaders in the security field: Even in the United States, where three of the last four secretaries of state have been women, there has never been a female secretary of defense or joint chief of staff, nor a woman director of the C.I.A. With only 19 female admirals and 2 female generals in the Marines, 28 in the air force and 20 in the army, “we have very few women who could even be in the pipeline to become joint chief of staff,” said Judith Hicks-Stiehm, currently a visiting professor at the U.S. Air Force Academy. She added that women wrote only 3 of 48 articles in the last two issues of Foreign Affairs, the must-read journal for anyone involved in international security affairs.

At the annual strategic review of the International Institute for Security Studies in Geneva in September, prime hobnobbing territory for retired intelligence folk and defense experts, only 2 of 21 plenary speakers were female.

    hobnobbing    過從甚密
    hobnob         to spend a lot of time with somebody, especially somebody who is rich and/or famous （尤指同有錢有名望的人）過從甚密，親近；巴結
    plenary        全體會議

“At least these days women get to ask a few questions,” said Catherine M. Kelleher, a veteran nuclear expert and one of half a dozen women who got to chatting on Day 2 of the conference, exasperated by the lack of female participants. Ms. Kelleher recalled a security conference in Germany some years ago where she was asked to use the hotel pool between 6 a.m. and 8 a.m. because the men wanted to swim naked.

    exasperate    惡化

Some, like Ms. Hicks at the Pentagon, argue that combat-exclusion rules barring women from the kind of battlefield experience traditionally needed to rise up the military ranks are an important factor limiting women.

Ms. Broadwell says facts are forcing change: Asymmetric warfare involving roadside bombs has blurred the lines of engagement by making women in traditional noncombat roles more vulnerable to attack. A new memorial at the war cemetery at Arlington, Virginia, honors 140 female troops who died in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The memorial brings home another barrier for women.

“What our current two wars have highlighted is that there are parents fighting those wars,” said Ms. Broadwell, who joined the reserves after she had two children. “One priority is we need to figure out how to combine military careers with family.”

Enough of a strategic priority for NATO to include in its new doctrine?

Last week, Mr. Rasmussen declined to answer.


http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/03/world/europe/03iht-letter.html




S/RES/1325 (2000)
31 October 2000

第1325（2000）號決議

2000年10月31日安全理事會第4213次會議通過

安全理事會，

回顧其1999年8月25日第1261(1999)號、1999年9月17日第1265(1999)號、2000年4月19日第1296(2000)號和2000年8月11日第1314( 2000)號決議以及各項有關的主席聲明，又回顧主席在2000年3月8日聯合國婦女權利與國際和平日（國際婦女節）向新聞界發表的聲明(SC/6816)，

又回顧《北京宣言和行動綱要》(A/52/231)的承諾以及題為“2000年婦女：二十一世紀兩性平等、發展與和平”的聯合國大會第二十三屆特別會議成果文件中的承諾(A/S-23/10/Rev.1)，特別是有關婦女和武裝衝突的承諾，

銘記《聯合國憲章》的宗旨和原則以及安全理事會根據《憲章》維持國際和平與安全的首要責任，

表示關切受武裝衝突不利影響、包括成為難民和國內流離失所者的人絕大多數是平民，特別是婦女和兒童，戰鬥人員和武裝分子日益以他們為攻擊目標，並認識到這種情況對持久和平與和解的影響，

重申婦女在預防和解決衝突及建設和平方面起重要作用，強調婦女平等參加和充分參與維持和促進和平與安全的一切努力至關重要，以及加強婦女在有關預防和解決衝突的決策方面的作用，

又重申必須充分執行在衝突中和衝突後保護婦女和女孩權利的國際人道主義和人權法，

強調各方必須確保排雷和防雷宣傳方案考慮到婦女和女孩的特殊需要，

確認亟需將性別觀點納入維持和平行動的主流，在這方面，注意到《關於將性別觀點納入多層面和平支援行動的溫得和克宣言》(S/2000/693)，

又確認2000年3月8日主席向新聞界發表聲明建議向所有維持和平人員提供關於衝突局勢下婦女和兒童的保護、特殊需要和人權的專門訓練，此項建議十分重要，

認識到了解武裝衝突對婦女和女孩的影響，作出有效的體制安排保證她們得到保護並充分參與和平進程，能大大有助於維持和促進國際和平與安全，

注意到必須匯集關於武裝衝突對婦女和女孩影響的數據，

1. 敦促會員國確保在預防、管理和解決衝突的國家、地區和國際機構和機制的所有決策層增加婦女人數；

2. 鼓勵秘書長實施其要求增加婦女參與解決衝突與和平進程決策層人數的戰略行動計劃(A/49/587)；

3. 敦促秘書長任命更多婦女為特別代表和特使，代表他進行斡旋，在這方面，呼籲會員國向秘書長提供人選，供列入定期更新的中央名冊；

4. 還敦促秘書長謀求擴大婦女在聯合國實地行動中的作用和貢獻，特別是擔任軍事觀察員、民警、人權和人道主義工作人員；

5. 表示願意將性別觀點納入維持和平行動，並敦促秘書長確保酌情在實地行動中設立處理婦女問題的部門；

6. 請秘書長向會員國提供有關婦女的保護、權利和特殊需要以及有關婦女參與所有維持和平和建設和平措施的重要性的培訓準則和材料，請會員國將這些要素以及提高對艾滋病毒/艾滋病的認識的訓練納入本國準備部署的軍事人員和民警人員的訓練方案，並請秘書長確保維持和平行動文職人員得到類似培訓；

7. 敦促會員國對關注性別問題的培訓努力，包括對聯合國婦女基金和聯合國兒童基金會等有關基金和方案以及聯合國難民事務高級專員辦事處和其他有關機構進行的努力，提供更多的自願財政、技術和後勤支助；

8. 呼籲所有有關行動者在談判和執行和平協定時，採取性別觀點，除其他外包括：

(a) 婦女和女孩在遣返、重新安置、復原、重返社會和衝突後重建中的特殊需要；

(b) 採取措施，支持當地婦女的和平倡議和解決衝突的當地進程，並讓婦女參加和平協定的所有執行機制；

(c) 採取措施，確保保護和尊重婦女和女孩的人權，特別是在憲法、選舉制度、警察和司法方面；

9． 呼籲武裝衝突各方充分尊重適用於平民、尤其是婦女和女孩的權利和保護的國際法，特別是根據1949年《日內瓦四公約》及其1977年《附加議定書》、1951年《難民公約》及其1967年《議定書》、1979年《消除對婦女一切形式歧視公約》及其1999年《任擇議定書》、1989年《聯合國兒童權利公約》及其 2000年5月25日兩項《任擇議定書》規定適用於他們的義務，同時銘記《國際刑事法院羅馬規約》的有關規定；

10. 呼籲武裝衝突各方採取特別措施，保護婦女和女孩在武裝衝突局勢下免受基於性別的暴力，特別是強姦和其他形式的性凌虐，以及所有其他形式的暴力；

11. 強調所有國家都有責任終止有罪不罰現象，並起訴應對種族滅絕、危害人類罪和包括對婦女和女孩施加性暴力和其他暴力在內的戰爭罪負責者，在這方面並強調可行時必須把此種罪行排除在大赦條款之外；

12. 呼籲武裝衝突各方尊重難民營和定居點的平民和人道主義性質，包括在設計難民營和定居點時考慮到婦女和女孩的特殊需要，並回顧其1998年11月19日第1208( 1998)號決議和2000年4月19日第1296（2000）號決議；

13. 鼓勵所有參與規劃解除武裝、復員和重返社會工作的人員顧到男女前戰鬥人員的不同需要並考慮到其家屬的需要；

14. 重申準備在根據《聯合國憲章》第四十一條採取措施時考慮到對平民可能產生的影響，銘記婦女和女孩的特殊需要，以便考慮適當的人道主義豁免規定；

15. 表示願意確保安全理事會代表團考慮到性別因素和婦女權利，包括通過與當地和國際婦女團體協商；

16. 請秘書長就武裝衝突對婦女和女孩的影響、婦女在建設和平中的作用以及和平進程和解決衝突的性別層面進行研究，又請他向安全理事會提出報告說明此項研究的結果，並把報告提供給聯合國所有會員國；

17. 請秘書長酌情在其提交安全理事會的報告中列入在所有維持和平特派團中將性別觀點納入主流以及關於婦女和女孩的所有其他方面的進展情況；

18. 決定繼續積極處理此案。

http://www.un.org/chinese/aboutun/prinorgs/sc/sres/00/s1325.htm