Obama 總統所提出以「1967年的國界」做為以阿雙方和談的基礎，對原本生活在約旦河東岸的巴勒斯坦人而言已經是「砍到見骨」的條件了。納坦亞胡在美國國會的演說，雖然用詞委婉，但是既否定了這個1967年的邊界，又提出不少要求：像是要在約旦河沿岸駐軍，維持強占而來的「屯墾區」，以及巴勒斯坦人不得回到以前的故鄉（因為以色列是個猶太國家）。

在台灣或是東亞都少有猶太人，很難了解為什麼歐洲有那麼多人會討厭猶太人。今年就有幾個著名案例－－名人因為反猶太的言論成為媒體注目的焦點。三月初被 Dior 開除的首席設計師 John Galliano, 以及上一周在坎城影展(Cannes Film Festival)被大會列為不受歡迎人物的丹麥導演 Lars Von Trier 都是。「反猶太」的言論在歐美顯然是大忌，畢竟針對一個民族。美國前總統小布希 (George W. Bush) 動不動給他不喜歡的國家貼標籤，像什麼「流氓國家」(Rogue States)，（不過這個「流氓國家」名單裡小布希卻刻意遺漏以色列。）所以個人對於一個國家的敵意與蔑視看來是符合歐美的行為規範的。實在是有太多的「猶太人」不是「以色列人」了，不然就「反以色列人」就好了嘛！在亞洲，大都是民族國家，所以國家和民族基本是等同的。像在中國「反日本」不僅是一種愛國的表現，更可以說是國民的基本態度。就拿在中國舉辦的國際賽為例，中國的觀眾一定要到場給日本隊喝倒采；如果發生了像2004年亞洲杯足球賽，這種在北京比賽，日本隊又敢贏中國隊的話，日本隊隊員與球迷的人身安全就只能指望中國執政當局是否願意及時派出維安警力來保護了。

歐巴馬此次歐洲行，還要友邦不要支持今年九月份聯合國大會中支持承認巴勒斯坦國提案(由阿拉伯聯盟主導，而且國土就是以1967年之前的以阿國界)，就只為顧及以色列的面子，但是納坦亞胡的演說根本就是打了歐巴馬一巴掌。之前在約旦河西岸屯墾區的新住宅開發也是。連一向支持以色列的德國，近年來在外交政策上也不再像以往一昧的支持以色列了。

域民不以封疆之界，固國不以山谿之險，威天下不以兵革之利；得道者多助，失道者寡助；寡助之至，親戚畔之；多助之至，天下順之。以天下之所順，攻親戚之所畔：故君子有不戰，戰必勝矣。

Fatah (巴勒斯坦解放組織 Palestine Liberation Organization 中最大的派系，也可以說因為PLO被認定為恐怖組織，所以換一塊招牌來成立政府，正當性高一些，也較能爭取到阿拉伯世界以外的國際支持。)與 Hamas 都不是甚麼「君子」，不過就是反抗侵略者的組織罷了，但或許是個「得道者」；以色列無疑是「失道者」。 在一片反壓迫的「茉莉花革命」浪潮下，這個以國家形式壓迫一群人的的以色列，與獨裁者何異？持平而論，「1967年的國界」對巴勒斯坦而言已是委屈了！納坦亞胡說："Israel’s 1967 borders were not defensible."　這是強佔他人土地的理由嗎？這與希特勒利用生存空間(Lebensraum)的概念擴張自己的生存領域有何不同呢？

令我納悶的是－－台灣的媒體為什麼在立場上會偏向以色列呢？看看國內大報對這個新聞的報導，雖然是譯稿，但在新聞選擇，與所下的標題，都有此傾向。是因為以前國民黨獨裁時代總是用以色列做為「生聚教訓」、「復國」、「以寡擊眾」的教育樣板吧！現在國民黨不但放棄「反共復國」，還積極地與中共修好，但當年植入人心的扭曲世界觀卻沒有積極的修正。

以色列不但是個流氓國家，而且是個擁有WMD與核彈的流氓國家。小布希 (George W. Bush)編造伊拉克有WMD就發動侵略戰爭，把海珊抓來處死。但是卻連將以色列放到「流氓國家」(Rogue States)之列都沒有，真是毫無天理！

以阿爭端和平解決是美國人責無旁貸的使命，這個禍根可以說是當年杜魯門種下的，以後美國遭受這麼多的恐怖攻擊，與以色列的建國與美國積極幫助以色列有極大的關係。台灣的國際環境已經很孤立了，也直在沒必要選一個較沒那麼孤立的，但為許多國家所厭惡的以色列作為學習的典範國家。



To Friendly Crowd, Netanyahu Repeats Criteria for Peace

May 24, 2011
By HELENE COOPER and ETHAN BRONNER

WASHINGTON — Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, broadly laying out the Israeli response to President Obama’s peace proposals, called on the Palestinian Authority president, Mahmoud Abbas, on Tuesday to accept what Mr. Netanyahu framed as a tenet: that Palestinians will not get a right of return to Israel. In so doing, he proclaimed that this intractable issue was one of the stumbling blocks to a peace
deal.
          intractable of a problem or a person 問題或人 very difficult to deal with 很難對付(或處理)的

“I stood before my people and said that I will accept a Palestinian state; it’s time for President Abbas to stand up before his people and say, ‘I will accept a Jewish state,’ ” Mr. Netanyahu said to cheers from a hugely friendly crowd of Democratic and Republican lawmakers gathered in the House chamber of the Capitol.

“Those six words will change history,” Mr. Netanyahu said. “With those six words, the Israeli people will be prepared to make a far-reaching compromise. I will be prepared to make a far-reaching compromise.”

Of course, those words have bedeviled peace negotiators since 1979. Refugees in Jordan, Lebanon and across the Palestinian diaspora want a right of return to the homes they left, or were forced to leave, in Israel. But Israeli officials say a flood of refugees would mean more Arabs than Jews in Israel and could threaten Israel’s continued existence as a Jewish state.


Beyond that, as Mr. Netanyahu himself indicated a few minutes later, it would take more than the Palestinians’ acceptance of the Jewish state for Israel to sign a peace agreement. He also said that “Jerusalem will never again be divided,” and added that Israel’s 1967 borders were not defensible. He said new boundaries would need to incorporate large blocs of Jewish settlements in the West Bank and that any peace deal would have to include an Israeli Army presence along the Jordan River.

And, he said, Israel will not negotiate with the Palestinians until Mr. Abbas abandons the recently negotiated unity agreement between his Fatah party and Hamas, the militant Islamic group that controls Gaza and has refused to accept Israel’s right to exist.

Mr. Netanyahu was granted a grand platform before a joint meeting of Congress, and his speech had many of the trappings of a presidential State of the Union address. With elections coming up next year, the lawmakers appeared eager to demonstrate their support for Israel as part of an effort to secure backing from one of the country’s most powerful constituencies, American Jews.


Mr. Netanyahu received so many standing ovations that at times it appeared that the lawmakers were listening to his speech standing up. “He managed to rally wall-to-wall support from Congress,” said Rob Malley, program director for the Middle East and North Africa at the International Crisis Group. But, he warned, it might have been a pyrrhic victory for the Israeli prime minister.


“We’re not talking about a peace process anymore; we’re talking about a P.R. process,”he said. “None of this is going to help avert any of the dangers that the president mentioned in his Sunday speech, that Israel faces.”

Obama administration officials said only progress in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process will win European support for the American effort to stymie a United Nations endorsement of Palestinian statehood in September. And Mr. Obama has portrayed such progress as crucial during a time of democratic upheaval in the Arab world. 


Mr. Netanyahu’s speech was the culmination of a tumultuous five days that began on Thursday, when President Obama called for the creation of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders, with mutually agreed land swaps. Mr. Netanyahu initially reacted furiously to Mr. Obama’s announcement, but in the past few days he has sought to emphasize their areas of agreement.


Mr. Netanyahu also talked about the populist upheaval in the Arab world, casting Israel as a democratic island in a despotic corner of world. “In a region where women are stoned, gays are persecuted,” Mr. Netanyahu said, “Israel stands out.”


His speech broke no new ground concerning the peace process, but it was not expected to. Israeli officials said that Mr. Netanyahu could hardly lay out new proposals to an American audience without telling his own people first.

Palestinian officials were dismissive of Mr. Netanyahu’s message, saying it included no new concessions along with the new demands.

“This is not going to lead to any solution,” Nabil Abu Rudeineh, a spokesman for Mr. Abbas, said by telephone. “Not only is he saying no Jerusalem and no return of refugees and keeping his soldiers along the Jordan, but he is demanding that we tear up our accord with Hamas. We will never accept an Israeli presence in the Palestinian state, especially along the Jordan River.”

The Palestinian leadership is due to meet on Wednesday to discuss the latest statements from Mr. Obama and Mr. Netanyahu. On Saturday, foreign ministers from some Arab League nations will meet with Mr. Abbas in Qatar to fashion an Arab response.

When Mr. Netanyahu’s invitation to speak to Congress was announced, it was reported in Israel that he might offer a new formula for a Palestinian state. But in the wake of the Fatah-Hamas accord and Mr. Obama’s endorsement of a solution based on the 1967 lines, that did not happen.

Still, Israeli settlers and their supporters condemned Mr. Netanyahu for giving away too much.

Naftali Bennet, a leader of the Yesha Council, an umbrella group for settlers, said that concessions made by Mr. Netanyahu over the past 10 days were unacceptable. They included, he said, the idea of maintaining only an Israeli military presence along the Jordan River, as opposed to annexing the Jordan Valley, and the mention to Congress that some settlements would inevitably be left out of Israel’s borders under any deal with the Palestinians.

Helene Cooper reported from Washington, and Ethan Bronner from Jerusalem. Isabel Kershner contributed reporting.


美中東新政策 以總理痛批不切實際

「和平不能奠基在幻覺之上」

〔編譯張沛元／綜合華盛頓二十一日外電報導〕以色列總理納坦雅胡二十日罕見地當著媒體的面，訓斥美國總統歐巴馬，「和平不能奠基在幻覺之上」，誓言以色列絕對不會接受歐巴馬日昨提出、為重啟以巴和談，以色列應退回一九六七年邊界之議。納坦雅胡這番話，明顯暴露他與歐巴馬在中東政策上的分歧與緊張，讓歐巴馬致力推動的中東和平更難實現。

美以峰會 以總理當眾訓斥歐巴馬

兩人會談將近兩小時，待歐巴馬說完開場白，納坦雅胡就靠過去說，一九六七年前的疆界非和平之界，而是戰爭頻仍之界……「以色列不能重回這些無法（自我）防衛的邊界線，我們要在約旦河河谷長期駐軍」。

強調「歷史不會再給猶太人另一次機會」

儘管歐巴馬提出的重啟以巴和談，前提還包括以巴互換領土，但納坦雅胡卻緊抓疆界不放，強調以色列雖然準備好為中東和平大方妥協，卻不接受重回一九六七年的疆界。此外，納坦雅胡還闡述猶太奮鬥史。納坦雅胡說，一個以幻覺為基礎的和平，終將撞上中東現實巨石而粉碎，「我們禁不起犯錯……因為（歐巴馬）總統先生，歷史不會再給猶太人另一次機會。」

歐巴馬坦承兩人「看法不同」

歐巴馬坦承與納坦雅胡有「不同看法」，但稱他在「阿拉伯之春」民運中看到良機，認為有可能形塑一個既能讓以色列自保與不受傷害的協議，同時又能解決一項折磨以巴人民數十年的議題。

白宮發言人卡尼在被問到納坦雅胡是否刻意曲解歐巴馬的發言時說，這種看法「很有趣」。白宮官員私下對納坦雅胡咄咄逼人、甚至當眾訓斥歐巴馬的態度大為不悅；而以方資深官員則說，想讓中東協議以一九六七年疆界為基礎的歐巴馬提出「不合理的期待」，恐導致中東和平進程倒退數十年，「我們不得不堅決反對。」

歐巴馬恐流失猶太裔選票

歐納二人在重回一九六七年疆界上的不同調，恐將繼續延燒到「美以公共事務委員會」，二人分別在二十二日與二十三日向這個勢力最龐大的以色列遊說組織發表演說，該會恐將陷於不得不選邊站的尷尬處境。歐巴馬在上次大選贏得大多數猶太裔的選票，已有一些猶太裔選民對他的以色列政策感到不滿。

http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2011/new/may/22/today-int2.htm

回1967年疆界？以國總理：歐巴馬在幻想

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The story was taken from The New York Times, Liberty Times & China Times (Taiwan), who do not endorse nor are involved with the production of this blog.  The copyright remains with their original owners respectively.