2004-04-05 13:49:00小杜白雲
What Taiwan Wants 台灣要什麼 (TIME ASIA)（二）
續上篇
Never before has Taiwan's status—sovereign state, or exiled government waiting to return to China, or renegade province bracing to be reabsorbed by the mainland—been as hotly debated on the island. A big reason is the coming vote. Last July, President Chen Shui-bian was trailing his main opponent Lien Chan, a former Vice President who leads the Kuomintang (KMT), by as much as 15% in the opinion polls. Now they're neck and neck, largely because Chen and his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) have made Taiwan's identity the cornerstone of his re-election bid. Two weeks ago, when Chen organized a "Hands Across Taiwan" event to promote "Taiwanness," up to 2 million people linked up island-wide and shouted slogans such as "Yes! Taiwan," "Trust Taiwan," and "Love Taiwan." On election day, Chen is also holding a referendum asking voters whether the island should increase its defense budget if China refuses to remove the 496 missiles it points at Taiwan, and whether Taipei should engage in dialogue with Beijing to establish what Chen calls a "peace and stability framework." Chen says the referendum reflects the deepening of democracy in Taiwan, and that it's the first step to calling another referendum in 2006 to approve a new constitution for the island. All of this moves Taiwan steadily toward self-determination—and possible confrontation with its frustrated and affronted adversary. "China is in an impossible situation now," says Lee Si-kuen, a political scientist at the National Taiwan University who is also a member of the KMT. "Taiwan nationalism has a momentum all of its wn that can't be stopped. If you love Taiwan, if you identify as Taiwanese, it follows that you reject China. That's the reality China needs to face."
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因為即將投票的緣故，台灣的定位（主權國家，等待收覆中國的流亡政府，或是準備被大陸吸收的一個省）問題，前所未有的被熱烈討論。在去年七月的民調中，現任的陳水扁總統遠遠落後前副總統連戰（現任國民黨主席）15%個百分比，現在他們是不分軒輊，最大的原因是陳和所屬民進黨把台灣的認同問題作為他連任的主要政見。兩週前，當陳組織「手護台灣」的運動來推廣“台灣的自主性（Taiwanness）”時，將近兩百萬的人串連著台灣島，並且呼喊著：「台灣YES!
相信台灣，愛台灣」。在總統大選那天，陳也將會同時舉辦公投，公投會問民眾：如果中共不移除496顆飛彈，是否要增加軍事費用？以及台北是否要是否要與北京進行對話，用以建立陳所稱的「和平且穩定的架構」。陳說，這個公投將可以深化民主，而且這是2006年另一個公投為台灣通過新憲法的第一步。這些所有的步驟讓台灣持續地走向自決，並且可能走向與失望、被激怒的敵人對抗。國民黨黨員、台灣大學政治學者李斯昆說：「台灣的民族主義正熾熱而且不能被阻止，如果你愛台灣、如果你自己定位是一個台灣人，就表示你拒絕中國。這是中國必須要面臨的實況。」
>
The issue of Taiwan's identity has even infused the island's pop culture. In a studio-cum-hip-hop clothing store in the southern city of Tainan, Tseng Kuan-jung, alias Dog G, 25, writes and records pro-Taiwan rap. The poster boy of the DPP's southern youth vote campaign, Dog G was a struggling musician until he penned "Taiwan Song," in which he raps not in Mandarin but in Taiwanese: "Those without the fear of losing, they are the true spirit of Taiwan; those who don't agree, get out!" Dog G, whose best-selling single tells listeners to "act Taiwanese, speak Taiwanese, and to stand up and proclaim they are Taiwanese," says he wrote that song because he wanted people "to stop being ashamed of being Taiwanese."
>
台灣定位問題甚至注入這個島嶼的流行文化中，在南台灣一個嘻哈的服飾店裡，曾昆建（化名大支）一個二十五歲的創作藝人正在錄製他的嘻哈音樂。他是民進黨南方青年投票運動的最佳代表，在他寫了用台語演唱的「台灣之歌」前，他並不發達。「不怕失去一切的人才是台灣精神，那些不贊同人的，滾出去」，大支的最暢銷單曲裡教聽眾要「做台灣人、說台灣話、站起來用力宣告他們是台灣人」，他說他之所以寫這首歌是要讓大家「不要再羞於當台灣人」。
>
The ethnic balance of Taiwan's politics began shifting in the early 1990s, and the effect of that shift is still being played out today. Lee Teng-hui, who became the island's first native Taiwanese President in 1988, gradually purged mainlanders from the top ranks of his party, the KMT. He got rid of what were called the "old thieves" who occupied the legislature, and made possible the election of new lawmakers, including one who would earn a reputation as an exposer of corruption and a defender of the interests of native Taiwanese: Chen Shui-bian. The media, long under KMT control, grew more liberal and began covering issues such as government corruption and the KMT's enjoyment of special privileges. A parallel change in the island's culture, a flowering of things Taiwan, celebrated these new freedoms: schools began teaching Taiwan's history, restaurants specialized in local dishes, musicians sang about political repression in their native dialect. As Taiwan became more democratic and the majority of its people acquired greater political clout, independence aspirations grew.
>
台灣政治的省籍平衡從1990年代初開始轉移，這個效果到目前仍然可以影響選舉。李登輝，第一個在1988年當上台灣總統的土生台灣人，在他任上逐漸的把外省人從國民黨的高階拔除，他擺脫了那些霸住國會的「老賊」，並且讓國會可以全面改選新的立委（其中包括了一個以揭發貪污並且捍衛台灣本土居民利益聞名的立委～陳水扁），長期在國民黨掌控下的媒體也開始有越來越大的自由，並且開始報導政府的腐敗、及國民黨的特權。同時，台灣的文化也開始在轉變，學校開始教台灣史、餐館開始專門賣地方小吃、音樂家用本土方言開始唱關於政治鎮壓的歌曲。當台灣越來越民主、當人民有越來越大的權利時，獨立的意願也就隨之增長。
>
By playing the Taiwan identity card, Chen is not just attracting votes and riling Beijing but changing the island's political culture, too. Before, the battle lines were clearly drawn: Chen and the DPP were pro-independence, the KMT and itsallies were in favor of reunification. Now, in order to stand a chance in the election, even the KMT is walking a pro-Taiwan line. The very law that Chen has invoked to hold his referendum on China's military posture was introduced not by the DPP but the KMT. The KMT, Lien told reporters recently, no longer wants to be branded as Taiwan's "reunification party." Eager to convince voters that he is sincere, Lien is using "Taiwan First" as one of his campaign slogans, and a political advertisement is running on Taiwan TV that shows him standing in his "home county" in the south of the island, even though he was born in the mainland. "His father was born here but Lien wasn't. He's trying to portray himself as Taiwanese to win supporters in the south," says Tainan county commissioner Su Huan-chih. "But people down here aren't fooled. They don't trust that his heart is really in Taiwan."
>
打著台灣自決的招數，陳不但吸引更多選票、激怒北京，也同時改變了台灣的政治文化。以往，選戰的基調是很明顯的，陳和他的民進黨是偏台獨份子，國民黨是偏統一份子。現在，為了要贏得選戰，國民黨也必須要走偏台灣路線。當中國武力威脅時才能發動的公投，這個法案是國民黨提議的。國民黨最近告訴記者，他們不再希望被標上「希望統一的政黨」標籤。為了要取信於大眾，連戰正在用「台灣第一」的口號，他的電視競選廣告是他站在南台灣的「家鄉」（雖然他是生在大陸）。台南縣縣長蘇煥智說：「他的父親是在台南出生的，但是他不是，他只是想把自己包裝成台灣人，用來贏得南部的選票。但是這裡的民眾不會被騙，他們並不相信在他的心中真的有台灣。」
>
Taipei resident Chen Pei-jun, a 31-year-old biotech researcher with a Ph.D. from the University of Michigan, is the kind of voter the KMT needs to win back. As a teenager, Chen's heart belonged to China. A brilliant student, she attended the exclusive Taipei First Girls Senior High School, directly opposite the presidential office. In school she learned matter-of-factly that the red brick office, built in 1919 during the half century Taiwan spent under Japanese colonial rule, was occupied by the legitimate government of China. Each morning, on her way to class, Chen reverently observed the President's guards slowly hoisting the red, white and blue Republic of China flag. She shared the KMT dream that one day this flag would again fly over Tiananmen Square. At night she read books by mainland-born writers—wistful childhood memoirs set in Hunan or Fujian or Shanghai. "I wept," she says. "Their experience became my experience. Their China was my China. I longed to return. I was the perfect Chinese." Today Chen is remodeling herself as the perfect Taiwanese, and has given up on reunification. Her transformation began when she went to the U.S. in 1995 to study. On campus, she met students from the mainland and realized she had nothing in common with them, and bristled when they described Taiwan's President as "provincial
governor." In her spare time she read books about the island and its history, written by exiled dissidents, which were not available in Taiwan. Since returning from the U.S. in 2002, two years after the KMT was first knocked from power by the DPP, she has been filling in the gaps of what she calls her "missing years." "The KMT lied to me," she says. "I was brainwashed. They made me think I was Chinese just to further their own ends. I'm not. I'm Taiwanese."
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台北的居民陳佩君（音譯），一個從密西根大學拿到博士學位的31歲生化學者，就是國民黨想極力拉回籠的選票，在青少年期，陳的心中是很傾向於中國的。她就讀於北一女（校園正對總統府）。在學校時，她學到那棟當台灣被日本殖民時建造的紅磚建築物是被中國合法政府使用。每天早上，在去學校途中她總會看到總統府前的憲兵正升起那紅白藍的中華民國國旗，她和國民黨一樣都有同樣的願望：有一天這個旗子可以在大陸天安門廣場升起。每天晚上，她閱讀那些大陸作家寫的書，裡面描述著那些在湖南、福建、上海的童年時光，她說：「我會跟著掉眼淚，他們的經驗成為我的經驗，他們的中國成為我的中國，我渴望回去，我認為我是一個完美的中國人。」現在的陳佩娟認為自己是一個完美的台灣人，而且早就放棄統一，這個轉變發生於她在1995年到美國唸書後，在校園裡，她遇過許多從大陸來的留學生，她瞭解他們並沒有任何的共通點，而且在他們描述台灣的總統為「省長」時總是不以為然，在她空閒的時間裡，他閱讀一些被驅逐的異議人士寫的關於台灣以及其歷史的書籍（這些書並不能在台灣找到），他在2002年從美國回到台灣（在國民黨下台後的兩年），她已經完全的瞭解這「失去的歲月」中的事件，她說：「國民黨欺騙我，我被洗腦了，他們讓我相信我是中國人只為了要滿足他們的利益。但是我不是，我是台灣人。」
>
Never before has Taiwan's status—sovereign state, or exiled government waiting to return to China, or renegade province bracing to be reabsorbed by the mainland—been as hotly debated on the island. A big reason is the coming vote. Last July, President Chen Shui-bian was trailing his main opponent Lien Chan, a former Vice President who leads the Kuomintang (KMT), by as much as 15% in the opinion polls. Now they're neck and neck, largely because Chen and his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) have made Taiwan's identity the cornerstone of his re-election bid. Two weeks ago, when Chen organized a "Hands Across Taiwan" event to promote "Taiwanness," up to 2 million people linked up island-wide and shouted slogans such as "Yes! Taiwan," "Trust Taiwan," and "Love Taiwan." On election day, Chen is also holding a referendum asking voters whether the island should increase its defense budget if China refuses to remove the 496 missiles it points at Taiwan, and whether Taipei should engage in dialogue with Beijing to establish what Chen calls a "peace and stability framework." Chen says the referendum reflects the deepening of democracy in Taiwan, and that it's the first step to calling another referendum in 2006 to approve a new constitution for the island. All of this moves Taiwan steadily toward self-determination—and possible confrontation with its frustrated and affronted adversary. "China is in an impossible situation now," says Lee Si-kuen, a political scientist at the National Taiwan University who is also a member of the KMT. "Taiwan nationalism has a momentum all of its wn that can't be stopped. If you love Taiwan, if you identify as Taiwanese, it follows that you reject China. That's the reality China needs to face."
>
因為即將投票的緣故，台灣的定位（主權國家，等待收覆中國的流亡政府，或是準備被大陸吸收的一個省）問題，前所未有的被熱烈討論。在去年七月的民調中，現任的陳水扁總統遠遠落後前副總統連戰（現任國民黨主席）15%個百分比，現在他們是不分軒輊，最大的原因是陳和所屬民進黨把台灣的認同問題作為他連任的主要政見。兩週前，當陳組織「手護台灣」的運動來推廣“台灣的自主性（Taiwanness）”時，將近兩百萬的人串連著台灣島，並且呼喊著：「台灣YES!
相信台灣，愛台灣」。在總統大選那天，陳也將會同時舉辦公投，公投會問民眾：如果中共不移除496顆飛彈，是否要增加軍事費用？以及台北是否要是否要與北京進行對話，用以建立陳所稱的「和平且穩定的架構」。陳說，這個公投將可以深化民主，而且這是2006年另一個公投為台灣通過新憲法的第一步。這些所有的步驟讓台灣持續地走向自決，並且可能走向與失望、被激怒的敵人對抗。國民黨黨員、台灣大學政治學者李斯昆說：「台灣的民族主義正熾熱而且不能被阻止，如果你愛台灣、如果你自己定位是一個台灣人，就表示你拒絕中國。這是中國必須要面臨的實況。」
>
The issue of Taiwan's identity has even infused the island's pop culture. In a studio-cum-hip-hop clothing store in the southern city of Tainan, Tseng Kuan-jung, alias Dog G, 25, writes and records pro-Taiwan rap. The poster boy of the DPP's southern youth vote campaign, Dog G was a struggling musician until he penned "Taiwan Song," in which he raps not in Mandarin but in Taiwanese: "Those without the fear of losing, they are the true spirit of Taiwan; those who don't agree, get out!" Dog G, whose best-selling single tells listeners to "act Taiwanese, speak Taiwanese, and to stand up and proclaim they are Taiwanese," says he wrote that song because he wanted people "to stop being ashamed of being Taiwanese."
>
台灣定位問題甚至注入這個島嶼的流行文化中，在南台灣一個嘻哈的服飾店裡，曾昆建（化名大支）一個二十五歲的創作藝人正在錄製他的嘻哈音樂。他是民進黨南方青年投票運動的最佳代表，在他寫了用台語演唱的「台灣之歌」前，他並不發達。「不怕失去一切的人才是台灣精神，那些不贊同人的，滾出去」，大支的最暢銷單曲裡教聽眾要「做台灣人、說台灣話、站起來用力宣告他們是台灣人」，他說他之所以寫這首歌是要讓大家「不要再羞於當台灣人」。
>
The ethnic balance of Taiwan's politics began shifting in the early 1990s, and the effect of that shift is still being played out today. Lee Teng-hui, who became the island's first native Taiwanese President in 1988, gradually purged mainlanders from the top ranks of his party, the KMT. He got rid of what were called the "old thieves" who occupied the legislature, and made possible the election of new lawmakers, including one who would earn a reputation as an exposer of corruption and a defender of the interests of native Taiwanese: Chen Shui-bian. The media, long under KMT control, grew more liberal and began covering issues such as government corruption and the KMT's enjoyment of special privileges. A parallel change in the island's culture, a flowering of things Taiwan, celebrated these new freedoms: schools began teaching Taiwan's history, restaurants specialized in local dishes, musicians sang about political repression in their native dialect. As Taiwan became more democratic and the majority of its people acquired greater political clout, independence aspirations grew.
>
台灣政治的省籍平衡從1990年代初開始轉移，這個效果到目前仍然可以影響選舉。李登輝，第一個在1988年當上台灣總統的土生台灣人，在他任上逐漸的把外省人從國民黨的高階拔除，他擺脫了那些霸住國會的「老賊」，並且讓國會可以全面改選新的立委（其中包括了一個以揭發貪污並且捍衛台灣本土居民利益聞名的立委～陳水扁），長期在國民黨掌控下的媒體也開始有越來越大的自由，並且開始報導政府的腐敗、及國民黨的特權。同時，台灣的文化也開始在轉變，學校開始教台灣史、餐館開始專門賣地方小吃、音樂家用本土方言開始唱關於政治鎮壓的歌曲。當台灣越來越民主、當人民有越來越大的權利時，獨立的意願也就隨之增長。
>
By playing the Taiwan identity card, Chen is not just attracting votes and riling Beijing but changing the island's political culture, too. Before, the battle lines were clearly drawn: Chen and the DPP were pro-independence, the KMT and itsallies were in favor of reunification. Now, in order to stand a chance in the election, even the KMT is walking a pro-Taiwan line. The very law that Chen has invoked to hold his referendum on China's military posture was introduced not by the DPP but the KMT. The KMT, Lien told reporters recently, no longer wants to be branded as Taiwan's "reunification party." Eager to convince voters that he is sincere, Lien is using "Taiwan First" as one of his campaign slogans, and a political advertisement is running on Taiwan TV that shows him standing in his "home county" in the south of the island, even though he was born in the mainland. "His father was born here but Lien wasn't. He's trying to portray himself as Taiwanese to win supporters in the south," says Tainan county commissioner Su Huan-chih. "But people down here aren't fooled. They don't trust that his heart is really in Taiwan."
>
打著台灣自決的招數，陳不但吸引更多選票、激怒北京，也同時改變了台灣的政治文化。以往，選戰的基調是很明顯的，陳和他的民進黨是偏台獨份子，國民黨是偏統一份子。現在，為了要贏得選戰，國民黨也必須要走偏台灣路線。當中國武力威脅時才能發動的公投，這個法案是國民黨提議的。國民黨最近告訴記者，他們不再希望被標上「希望統一的政黨」標籤。為了要取信於大眾，連戰正在用「台灣第一」的口號，他的電視競選廣告是他站在南台灣的「家鄉」（雖然他是生在大陸）。台南縣縣長蘇煥智說：「他的父親是在台南出生的，但是他不是，他只是想把自己包裝成台灣人，用來贏得南部的選票。但是這裡的民眾不會被騙，他們並不相信在他的心中真的有台灣。」
>
Taipei resident Chen Pei-jun, a 31-year-old biotech researcher with a Ph.D. from the University of Michigan, is the kind of voter the KMT needs to win back. As a teenager, Chen's heart belonged to China. A brilliant student, she attended the exclusive Taipei First Girls Senior High School, directly opposite the presidential office. In school she learned matter-of-factly that the red brick office, built in 1919 during the half century Taiwan spent under Japanese colonial rule, was occupied by the legitimate government of China. Each morning, on her way to class, Chen reverently observed the President's guards slowly hoisting the red, white and blue Republic of China flag. She shared the KMT dream that one day this flag would again fly over Tiananmen Square. At night she read books by mainland-born writers—wistful childhood memoirs set in Hunan or Fujian or Shanghai. "I wept," she says. "Their experience became my experience. Their China was my China. I longed to return. I was the perfect Chinese." Today Chen is remodeling herself as the perfect Taiwanese, and has given up on reunification. Her transformation began when she went to the U.S. in 1995 to study. On campus, she met students from the mainland and realized she had nothing in common with them, and bristled when they described Taiwan's President as "provincial
governor." In her spare time she read books about the island and its history, written by exiled dissidents, which were not available in Taiwan. Since returning from the U.S. in 2002, two years after the KMT was first knocked from power by the DPP, she has been filling in the gaps of what she calls her "missing years." "The KMT lied to me," she says. "I was brainwashed. They made me think I was Chinese just to further their own ends. I'm not. I'm Taiwanese."
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台北的居民陳佩君（音譯），一個從密西根大學拿到博士學位的31歲生化學者，就是國民黨想極力拉回籠的選票，在青少年期，陳的心中是很傾向於中國的。她就讀於北一女（校園正對總統府）。在學校時，她學到那棟當台灣被日本殖民時建造的紅磚建築物是被中國合法政府使用。每天早上，在去學校途中她總會看到總統府前的憲兵正升起那紅白藍的中華民國國旗，她和國民黨一樣都有同樣的願望：有一天這個旗子可以在大陸天安門廣場升起。每天晚上，她閱讀那些大陸作家寫的書，裡面描述著那些在湖南、福建、上海的童年時光，她說：「我會跟著掉眼淚，他們的經驗成為我的經驗，他們的中國成為我的中國，我渴望回去，我認為我是一個完美的中國人。」現在的陳佩娟認為自己是一個完美的台灣人，而且早就放棄統一，這個轉變發生於她在1995年到美國唸書後，在校園裡，她遇過許多從大陸來的留學生，她瞭解他們並沒有任何的共通點，而且在他們描述台灣的總統為「省長」時總是不以為然，在她空閒的時間裡，他閱讀一些被驅逐的異議人士寫的關於台灣以及其歷史的書籍（這些書並不能在台灣找到），他在2002年從美國回到台灣（在國民黨下台後的兩年），她已經完全的瞭解這「失去的歲月」中的事件，她說：「國民黨欺騙我，我被洗腦了，他們讓我相信我是中國人只為了要滿足他們的利益。但是我不是，我是台灣人。」
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