2006-07-18 10:22:14globalist
普丁：Ｇ8會議最大的贏家(ＩＨＴ)
After the G-8: Putin, at least, got what he wanted
Nikolas Gvosdev International Herald Tribune
Published: July 17, 2006
If the international impression of the G-8 summit is a meeting that was big on photo-ops but short of substance on critical issues like the crisis in the Middle East, President Vladimir Putin, at least, can leave St. Petersburg with a tremendous boost to his domestic standing.
For many Russians, the lack of concrete results was less important than the image of a vigorous Putin defending Russian national interests and promoting Russia’s vision of how global affairs should be structured.
A cartoon by the St. Petersburg filmmaker Ivan Sidelnikov, broadcast over the weekend, shows Putin adroitly walking a tightrope strung over the summit meeting room, using oil pipelines to retain his balance while fending off challenges by faceless figures (meant to represent the other G-8 leaders) who try to use human rights, energy security or territorial claims to dislodge him.
Russian commentators are nearly unanimous in their assessment that the summit marked Russia’s full return to the rank of the "leading countries" of the world. One sentiment expressed to me was that Putin’s performance as G-8 host effectively banished the last ghosts of the Yeltsin era, especially the images of the sickly president humbly accepting the "diktat" of the West in return for the privilege of being seen in the company of then-G-7 leaders.
Even the failure to reach an agreement with the United States over Russia’s entry into the World Trade Organization was spun as a courageous defense of national interests and a sign that Putin, unlike Yeltsin, is not so desperate for approval that he is prepared to acquiesce to all American demands.
Most Russians also feel that any lingering doubts about the inclusion of Russia in the G-8 have been put to rest.
Speaking at a briefing organized at the summit by The National Interest, the television commentator Alexei Pushkov went so far as to say that the three reasons usually advanced as to why Russia did not deserve to be in the G-8 - Russia is not sufficiently democratic; it is not a rich country; it has problems with its neighbors - were "irrelevant."
Russia should be in the group by virtue of its geopolitical location, the fact that without Russian participation none of the pressing problems facing the international community can be solved, and because of its position as an energy superpower. The English-language St. Petersburg Times cited a poll in which 55 percent of Russian respondents agreed with Pushkov’s reasoning: Russia’s status is determined by its energy resources and strategic position.
Putin’s ability to insert himself - and Russia - as a balancer was also very much on display here. In contrast to the predictions of some Western pundits that St. Petersburg would be seven industrial democracies versus Russia, Putin’s separate meetings precluded any such development.
Not only was Russia not isolated at the meeting, it was able to form tactical understandings with other participants (with France, for example, on the statement on the crisis in the Middle East) to ensure that the Russian perspective received a full hearing.
Putin’s sessions with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India and President Hu Jintao of China also emphasized Russia’s role as a bridge between the West and two leading powers of "rising Asia."
Putin scored a major domestic political victory as well. Most of the mainline opposition parties - including the Union of Right Forces, Yabloko and Rodina - withdrew from participation in the "Alternative Russia" forum, citing the presence of extremist and fascist organizations there.
Not only did this reinforce divisions within an already weak opposition to Putin, it also allowed Putin to claim Western involvement and attendance in the forum as a sign of support for opposition to him personally rather than support for democracy in general.
Most Russians agree with the perception in the West that the G-8 does not seem to be that effective as an organization. But as long as this roundtable is seen as a gathering of the world’s great powers, they want a chair.
Even if the summit produced few major initiatives, Putin can depart from the Konstantin Palace with the satisfaction of knowing that the summit served his goal of reinforcing Russian national pride and contributing to his emerging legacy as the man who turned Russia around.
(Nikolas Gvosdev is the editor of The National Interest, a quarterly journal of international affairs.)
Nikolas Gvosdev International Herald Tribune
Published: July 17, 2006
If the international impression of the G-8 summit is a meeting that was big on photo-ops but short of substance on critical issues like the crisis in the Middle East, President Vladimir Putin, at least, can leave St. Petersburg with a tremendous boost to his domestic standing.
For many Russians, the lack of concrete results was less important than the image of a vigorous Putin defending Russian national interests and promoting Russia’s vision of how global affairs should be structured.
A cartoon by the St. Petersburg filmmaker Ivan Sidelnikov, broadcast over the weekend, shows Putin adroitly walking a tightrope strung over the summit meeting room, using oil pipelines to retain his balance while fending off challenges by faceless figures (meant to represent the other G-8 leaders) who try to use human rights, energy security or territorial claims to dislodge him.
Russian commentators are nearly unanimous in their assessment that the summit marked Russia’s full return to the rank of the "leading countries" of the world. One sentiment expressed to me was that Putin’s performance as G-8 host effectively banished the last ghosts of the Yeltsin era, especially the images of the sickly president humbly accepting the "diktat" of the West in return for the privilege of being seen in the company of then-G-7 leaders.
Even the failure to reach an agreement with the United States over Russia’s entry into the World Trade Organization was spun as a courageous defense of national interests and a sign that Putin, unlike Yeltsin, is not so desperate for approval that he is prepared to acquiesce to all American demands.
Most Russians also feel that any lingering doubts about the inclusion of Russia in the G-8 have been put to rest.
Speaking at a briefing organized at the summit by The National Interest, the television commentator Alexei Pushkov went so far as to say that the three reasons usually advanced as to why Russia did not deserve to be in the G-8 - Russia is not sufficiently democratic; it is not a rich country; it has problems with its neighbors - were "irrelevant."
Russia should be in the group by virtue of its geopolitical location, the fact that without Russian participation none of the pressing problems facing the international community can be solved, and because of its position as an energy superpower. The English-language St. Petersburg Times cited a poll in which 55 percent of Russian respondents agreed with Pushkov’s reasoning: Russia’s status is determined by its energy resources and strategic position.
Putin’s ability to insert himself - and Russia - as a balancer was also very much on display here. In contrast to the predictions of some Western pundits that St. Petersburg would be seven industrial democracies versus Russia, Putin’s separate meetings precluded any such development.
Not only was Russia not isolated at the meeting, it was able to form tactical understandings with other participants (with France, for example, on the statement on the crisis in the Middle East) to ensure that the Russian perspective received a full hearing.
Putin’s sessions with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India and President Hu Jintao of China also emphasized Russia’s role as a bridge between the West and two leading powers of "rising Asia."
Putin scored a major domestic political victory as well. Most of the mainline opposition parties - including the Union of Right Forces, Yabloko and Rodina - withdrew from participation in the "Alternative Russia" forum, citing the presence of extremist and fascist organizations there.
Not only did this reinforce divisions within an already weak opposition to Putin, it also allowed Putin to claim Western involvement and attendance in the forum as a sign of support for opposition to him personally rather than support for democracy in general.
Most Russians agree with the perception in the West that the G-8 does not seem to be that effective as an organization. But as long as this roundtable is seen as a gathering of the world’s great powers, they want a chair.
Even if the summit produced few major initiatives, Putin can depart from the Konstantin Palace with the satisfaction of knowing that the summit served his goal of reinforcing Russian national pride and contributing to his emerging legacy as the man who turned Russia around.
(Nikolas Gvosdev is the editor of The National Interest, a quarterly journal of international affairs.)